By Karl Radl

Irving E. Cox’s 1955 science fiction novella, ‘The Cartels Jungle’,  tells the story of how a newly retired young military officer named Max  Hunter falls afoul of globalist anarcho-tyranny after his fiancée, Anne,  discovers a new method of mind-control (aka correct ‘mental adjustment’)  and how Hunter goes about fighting that system.

The dystopian world that Cox puts Hunter in is one reminiscent of  George Orwell’s more famous ‘Nineteen Eighty-Four’; ostensibly, a  bi-polar world of two large corporations who both operate in the only  surviving city of Earth, aka Los Angeles, and enforce a phony peace on the  planet after nuclear war had destroyed every other city.

In this world, the two global corporations are in partnership with an  Orwellian trade union named the United Free Workers (or UFW for short)  and the people have to work for one of the two corporations directly (if  they possess the necessary skill set) or join the UFW. Through the  novel, we see Hunter battle this ostensibly bi-polar – but in reality  tri-polar – system and come out at the end only to discover that –  contrary to their propaganda image – the two corporations and the UFW  are run by decrepit, degenerate human beings who think only of their  personal self-interest and spend all their time living in a utopian  bubble created by their wealth, behaving dismissively with downright heedlessness of the daily struggles of the people beneath them.

Cox’s novella isn’t a direct parallel to our world – it was published  in 1955 after all – but much of what it suggests could happen has come  to pass, albeit in different ways. In the modern Western nation state, people  are forced to work for huge corporations or those wholly dependent on  them, such as the technology giants Google, Apple and Microsoft or the  big pharmaceutical companies like Pfizer and Purdue.

If you don’t work for such corporate giants then you are either working  in a subsidiary or supplier to them or you work for the state in some  form or another. The state is the modern analogy to Cox’s UFW with the  state – like the UFW – artificially dictating wage levels dependent  largely on how much wealth the state has in its local or national budget  for that area, rather than the socio-economic utility and/or skill level  of the job.

Due to the development and need for ‘good references’ in the labour  market these days – particularly in the United States but a lesser  version of this has developed in Europe – employees don’t tend to leave  to go to work for other corporations, but instead seek promotion inside  corporations which is notoriously slow and often based on internal  politics and nepotism rather than merit. This means that people are tied  up and personally invested in the corporations in terms of their  careers like never before, but yet are also suffering  extraordinarily high levels of alienation and anomie at the same time.

This means that people are staying ostensibly ‘loyal’ to  corporations in terms of their employment. They are not doing so because  they have bought into the corporation or its brand, but rather because  they need the monthly pay check to survive and cannot easily transfer to  another corporate entity because of the corporate ability to abuse the  ‘reference’ system to punish ‘disloyal’ employees.

When you add in the ever-rising levels of consumer debt – usually  credit card related – and the gleeful ease with which corporate  creditors of private citizens will send in the bailiffs to extract their  pound of flesh, then it isn’t a wonder that people’s consumerism – fed  by corporations pushing products to fulfill needs that you didn’t even  think you had – combined with the unmerciful use of the letter of law to  crush anyone who dares to default their debts has led to the situation  where people today are alienated and suffering from ennui. They are stuck in jobs  that they are unable to quit or transfer to another corporate entity  lest the house of cards that is the personal finances of most of the  population in both Europe and the United States comes crashing down.

Like in Cox’s novella, people want the system to collapse, but the  majority of the population just do their best to live as ‘men among the  ruins’ so-to-speak and get on with their humdrum average lives with only  members of the resistance trying to ‘make changes from inside’. This is  a situation that was addressed most pointedly by the most vilified –  and most successful – opponent of this econocentric system of modern  times when he spoke disdainfully in ‘Mein Kampf’ about the men ‘inside  the system’ who claim that they are ‘making changes’.

As Adolf Hitler pointed out – and we have in the successful election  campaign of Donald Trump and him then doing the opposite of what he was  elected to do – this claim – often made by those associated with the  so-called ‘Alt Right’ – is nonsense precisely because it envisions both  corporations and the state as static mechanical entities that will not  defend their perceived interests and ideological orthodoxy, let alone  aggressively do so.

So, when the ‘Deep State’ comes into play, the champions of a  nationalist ‘takeover of the Republican party’ have the same problem as  the resistance to the system that Cox writes about in ‘The Cartels  Jungle’ in that they are stuck in the paradox of acting as enablers and  enforcers of the system because they don’t want to get fired while also  trying to not enable or enforce the system.

In essence, they become part of the system they profess to fight and  at best do the worst thing possible by alleviating the mistaken pressure  the system is putting on the people, thus turning down the temperature  so that the proverbial frog is more comfortable.

What they fail to appreciate – and the lesson that Hitler offers in  ‘Mein Kampf’ – is that both corporations and the state can only be  viewed as large organisms – they are after all composed of and run by  organisms, not mechanical devices – and that a response, and likely an  aggressive response, will occur; like a body, that system’s enforcers –  whether it be human resources or the police – will eject anyone who  ‘doesn’t represent the values’ of that system.

This is the problem that Cox addresses by having the protagonist Max  Hunter engage in a heroic one-man crusade – backed up by multiple other  people who help him knowing that he is now persona non-grata within the  system – against the corporations and the UFW which ends in Hunter  becoming the new messiah within the system itself. It is only then that  Hunter and anti-system resistance in general can make changes and it is  only through one leader’s bold heroism, transformative actions and  subsequent self-created ‘Messiah’ status that change occurs and the rest  of the people get on with their lives like nothing of note had  happened, but we are told that change will now happen.

This importance of the hero – or political messiah if you will – to  radical and/or revolutionary change was outlined in detail by the  British political philosopher, Thomas Carlyle, in his ‘Heroes and Hero  Worship’, whereby he explained how history has been shaped not by ideas  but rather by the actions and attitudes of visionary leaders.

After all, would Christianity have succeeded in propagating and  spreading itself as a religion without the bloody public sacrifices of  hundreds, if not thousands, of Christian martyrs in the arenas and public  spaces of the Roman Empire?

I think not; it was through witnessing the strength of their  belief that others converted to Christianity because they wanted to be  like them and have that same strength of will and purpose.

Similarly, Hitler himself struggled up from the gutters and homeless  shelters of Munich to become first a decorated war hero then a populist  revolutionary, and then transformed into the visionary leader of the most  socially and technologically advanced country in the world at that time.  He didn’t do this through sitting on the side-lines and pontificating  in editorials in the ‘Völkischer Beobachter’, but rather he cultivated  his talents, refined his ideas and fought in the streets, bars and beer halls of Germany and even took to the skies to proclaim his mission to  the German people. Those people then saw in Hitler and the many Nazi public  martyrdoms – such as that of Horst Wessel and Herbert Norkus in Berlin –  something they not only could respect but admire and want to emulate.

That is the power of the hero and what we need is not more people  telling us that ‘they will change things from the inside and take over a  mainstream party’ but a new political messiah.

We need a new Adolf Hitler.

And he is coming.